Rhetorical Militancy for a Rhetorical Mass Movement? If Only We
Could
Make Them Like Us…
By John Garvey
The main purpose of this article is to address the questions of
strategy
and tactics in the anarchist movement with specific reference to the
roles
the Black Block tactic, and militant direct action play in our
movement.
Addressing these questions now is particularly important due to the
debate
that has re-erupted after the “Heart Attack” protest on Feb. 13 in
Vancouver and the upcoming G8/G20 protests in Toronto.
I take it for granted that militant direct action and
revolutionary
violence are a necessary part of any movement that aims to be
revolutionary in practice, as well as in theory and rhetoric. I reject
the
idea and practice of “revolutionary non-violence” as both
theoretically
misleading and historically inaccurate.
This isn’t to say that non-violent political action doesn’t have a
large
role to play in social movements. It is to say that social
movements
should be both theoretically and practically prepared to accomplish
their
goals through revolutionary violence if that is what will be most
effective. That said,
we need to clarify what “diversity of tactics” means, and to
continually
examine both the tactics we are using and our strategy in protests and
in
movement building .
Let’s Keep Pushing: Physically and Analytically
At the peaceful protest in Vancouver on Feb. 12, after the black
block had
been asked to take the front lines against the police by the elders
who
were leading the march and to push through the police line in order
to
reach the Olympic Stadium, there was a young woman who kept insisting
that
we push through the police line. If everyone there had been willing
to
push forward, if there had been greater unity, tactically speaking,
we
probably could have done it and then we would have crashed the
opening
ceremonies…Imagine that! Sadly, there simply wasn’t enough people
who
were committed to pushing through the police lines to accomplish
this.
All the attention that is currently focused on the issue of tactics
and
strategy and violence and non-violence has created an opportunity
for
those of us who want to see a militant movement to push back against
the
idea that social movements are merely a leftish “loyal opposition.”
It
is an opportunity to argue for a greater diversity of tactics than
currently exists as well and to continue subverting the hegemony of
the
pacified, “non-violent” social activism that has pervaded the
“radical
left” in Canada for the past 4 decades.
In the last 10 years the radical left in Canada has been able to
push the
discussion called “diversity of tactics” far enough that it is a
constant
theme in mass mobilizations here. At the least it is a discussion
that
political activists of all stripes are familiar with, and many feel
that
they have to engage with, either for or against.
In addition to all of this, the discussion around the “Heart
Attack”
demonstration has created an opportunity for the anarchist movement
to
engage in much needed discussion about strategy and tactics.
Articles
like those by Mick Sweetman , David Rovics and others, while I
strongly
disagree with many points they made, both involve anarchists
thinking
strategically about anarchist movement.
Push? Burn? Build? Strategy in the anarchist movement?
It’s outside of the scope of this article (and of my ability) to
address
all of the possible strategies for anarchist movement in Canada.
Instead
I will only point out some of what seems to me to be particularly
important at this time.
Real discussion and debate about strategy is pretty limited in
the
anarchist movement (and the radical left) in Canada. Given the need for
us
to think before we act , this should be a significant concern to
everyone
in the movement. There is more debate around tactics, but it is
often
stilted due the offhand acceptance of ideas and concepts (such as
“diversity of tactics”) rather than critical interaction with them.
A
fair bit of the discussion that does exist conflates strategies
with
different anarchist tendencies: anarchist-communists argue for
building
class power through worker and community assemblies; green
anarchists
denounce workerism and industrial capitalism and argue for
sustainability.
The anarchist movement (and the radical left) needs to
reprioritize
theorizing and strategizing. This is a point that INCITE!, among
others,
have made. They also emphasize the resources that the Right has put
into
their theorizing, and they assert that this has played and important
role
in the right wing resurgence of the last 30 years . To be clear,
this
theorizing needs to be tightly connected to movement practices, should
be
informed by them, and should inform them.
I believe that the politics that are delineated by the combination
of
anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism and anti-oppression are a good
starting
place for the anarchist movement. I would also argue that an
essential
part of anti-oppressive practice is a commitment to
anti-authoritarianism.
The first three principles are all part of the politics outlined by
the
journal Upping the Anti in their first editorial. In that editorial
they
also flag the fact that this starting place is purely oppositional,
and
the need for the radical left to find “conceptual and practical
alternatives to the system [and] strategies for getting there. ”
In addition to this we need to be clear about what we mean when we
use the
terms anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism and anti-oppression. Like
the
phrase “diversity of tactics” any and all of these terms can become
devoid
of meaning if we are simply repeating them. All three of these
politics, as
well as the connections and contradictions between them, need to be
clarified.
One of the reasons that the theoretical framework of
anti-capitalism,
anti-imperialism and anti-oppression seems useful to me is the
possibility
this framework has for building common ground on the radical left
in
Canada.
In his excellent article , Joel Olson states that the anarchist
movement
needs to move beyond Infoshops and Insurrection to movement building,
and
to prioritize struggles against certain forms of oppression as more
relevant or strategic than others. Regrettably, he doesn’t define
the
exactly what is involved in movement building.
It seems to me that we want, at the least, to be part of an
anarchist
movement, as well as of autonomous social movements, that address
the
triple oppressions of race, class and gender. Building this kind of
movement means that anarchists need to focus on issues that address
these
oppressions, such as, for example, organizing against anti-police
violence
and the prison-industrial complex.
Focusing on these three oppressions would involve updating
anarchist
theory and practice to take into account the most vibrant movement of
the
past 5 decades: anti-racist and anti-colonial movements, the
feminist,
anti-nuclear, queer and environmental movements. The anarchist
movement
needs to take this into account. The classical anarchist tradition
with
its relatively exclusive focus on class does not adequately address
the
issues of these movements and the theory and practice that has come out
of
them.
Finally, on the subject of insurrection, mass anarchism and
revolutionary
violence, it is mistake to separate building a mass movement with
building
a movement that also engages in militant direct action and has the
capacity to engage in revolutionary violence. That is to say, a
mass
anarchist movement, if it is to be more than rhetorically
revolutionary
will need to be capable of defending itself from state and
corporate
repression, and will need the capacity to engage in offensive
strikes
against state and corporate power. Numbers will not be enough, and
we
can’t rely exclusively on the General Strike, as important as mass
strikes
will be in any confrontations with Canadian capitalism and the
Canadian
state.
The long history of the Canadian state using violence, up to and
including
murder, to break strikes in the 19th and early 20th centuries provides
a
clear example of what the state will do when revolutionary unions
and
workers threaten the status quo. Similarly, US state repression of
the
Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement provides a
more
recent example of the lengths to which the state will go to protect
itself
from threats, as well as offering up another revolutionary model
than
revolutionary unionism. In both cases revolutionary movements at the
time
were required to defend themselves, and, for different reasons, they
were
incapable of doing so. We need to be conscious of this history and to
be
planning how to defend ourselves, our allies and our movements.
Not Now (Not Ever): Diversity of Tactics and the Black Block
The first thing that needs to be said in this debate is that we
can’t
simply substitute the phrase “respect for a diversity of tactics”
for
actual and critical discussion for any and all tactics used at and
outside
of protests . As others have pointed out, honest criticism of
certain
tactics can’t focus exclusively on the black block, as opposed to,
for
example, signing petitions, and lobbying politicians . That said,
attempting to silence people who engage in respectful criticisms of
the
black block and other tactics is wrong both at a moral and a
political
level.
This article isn’t going to trace all of the points and
counter-points
that have been made for and against a “diversity of tactics.” Instead
it
will be quickly and one-sidedly respond to some criticisms of the
black
block made by people inside of and outside of the anarchist
movement.
Some of the debate around “diversity of tactics” has become
somewhat
stylized, so that we already know in advance what people will say
on
“both” sides of the issue. This condemnation or support for a
diversity
of tactics usually falls along a few binaries: violent/non-violent,
illegitimate/legitimate, illegal/legal and ineffective/effective .
The
Black Block is often coded as violent, illegitimate, illegal and
ineffective. These different binaries, and others could be added,
are
also often, but not always, considered reinforcing: violent protest
=
illegitimate protest = ineffective protest.
People also often make references made to the civil rights
movement,
emphasizing that it was non-violent and effective. It’s effectiveness
is
usually linked to, they say, it’s perceived legitimacy with large
numbers
of people and the use of the tactic of civil disobedience.
To take up the side of the people who support violence and the black
block
tactic (which I do) I offer this quote:
“while the American civil rights movement is often credited with the
use
of non-violent means, the abolition of legalised segregation in the
United States was in fact accomplished through a series of what
were
clearly violent state interventions, most notably sending in the
National
Guard to oversee the desegregation of schools in southern states. ”
The point being that no matter how non-violent the civil rights
movement
was and how large, it was it was relying on state violence to
enforce
desegregation. So, people who use this example to valorize
non-violence
are often being contradictory.
In any case, and for better or for worse (for worse, I think) the
civil
rights movement all too often gets used in order to make political
points
by different sides in arguments over diversity of tactics.
This is only a very superficially look at how these binaries play
out in
two arguments. The larger point that I am trying to make is that in
order
to make a militant movement we need to break down these mutually
re-enforcing binaries.
Moving along, it is also common for people to assert that militant
actions
dissuade people from joining the movement. The evidence for this is
usually purely anecdotal and/or personal in nature. This lack of
foundation means that, at the exact same time, the opposite argument,
that
militant action brings people into the movement, is also made.
Given
this, it seems likely that militant actions and militant tactics by
themselves don’t necessarily do either of these things and that the
result
of using militant tactics and engaging in militant actions depends on
the
“who, what, when, where, and how” of an action, on the context of
an
action. So, for example, the fire bombing of three porn stores that
distributed pornography that eroticized violence against women by
the
Vancouver 5 didn’t result in the collapse of the feminist movement
in
Vancouver, or of the campaign that existed to shut these outlets down.
In
fact, these actions were an effective contribution to the campaign,
and
were widely supported by large numbers of activists . However, and
I
realize this is obvious, but bear with me, if there hadn’t already been
a
mass feminist movement and a significant campaign specifically
targeting
the chain, then the response likely would have been entirely
different.
Which is to restate that the effect of militant tactics and actions
depends on the context in which they are undertaken. Excluding
militant
direct action, and demonizing the people who do it is and will continue
to
be divisive and if it were accomplished would significantly shrink
the
movement, not expand it.
Finally, I want to talk about the issue of police infiltration. Some
of
the criticisms about the black block, and of militant tactics are that
it
is a tactic that is easily used by the police and the police use it
to
discredit the anarchist movement (or whichever movement the person
making
the point belongs to). This argument isn’t very convincing.
Arguments
about whether an action or tactic discredits or benefits the
movement
often has more to do with the personal opinion of the author (ahem)
than
anything else. If it discredits the movement, then it does so
regardless
of who throws the stones. Personally, I don’t think that it does. It
may
be true that a police agent threw the first stone, but this is the sort
of
thing that we’ll ever be able to prove. And, in fact, relying for
argument on accusations that are impossible to prove is evidently
and
concretely an action that hurts the movement .
Further, I would argue that one of the likely goals of the police is
to
discredit a tactic, the black block tactic, as well as to discredit
any
and all forms of militant direct action. Truthfully, I believe that
they
are content to discredit groups and movements regardless of what
tactics
they are using. To the extent they (re)act in a rational manner,
the
police and organizations like CSIS will try and discredit any
tactic,
movement, group, etc. which they perceive as a threat to the status
quo.
In the case of the anarchist movement, this means to the extent that
it
threatens to become a mass revolutionary movement. It isn’t helpful
to
isolate the Black Block tactic as the only way in which the police
can
infiltrate our movement. Any above ground or open organization can be
easily infiltrated by the
police. Any strategy and/or tactic that said organization chooses or
uses
is open to manipulation by police agents. And, to the extent that we
are
going to organize openly there is not much we can do about it except
to
ensure that the strategy and tactics that we decide on will be
effective
in building the type of anarchist movement that we want.
Sticks and Stones May Break my Bones, but Words Will Never Hurt
Me
“For those who came here to peacefully make their point, I welcome
them
here because I want them to be integrated into the long-term debate.
For
those who came here to break windows and hurt small businesses or
stop
people from going to meetings and having their say, I condemn them.
And
I’m sorry that the mayor, the governor, and the police officers and
others
have had to go through this. We need to make a clear distinction
between
that which we condemn and that which we won’t.” - Bill Clinton
This quote illuminates a similarity between Bill Clinton’s politics
and
certain statements made by anarchists in the recent debate about
strategy
and tactics with regards to property destruction. It is also helpful
in
highlighting the fact that “the establishment” actually doesn’t
like
property destruction, contrary to the point being made by people
who
accuse the Black Block of doing the will of the police.
Granted, the reasons that Bill Clinton, and Democrats who support
him, and
anarchists oppose property destruction are different. Still, I feel
like
it says something when you’ve got Bill Clinton on your side.
Tactics that are easily reconciled with establishment views of
political
legitimacy risk being relatively easily appropriated and co-opted.
If,
however, the argument isn’t against property destruction, per se,
but
against property destruction at this time, this means that the question
of
when property destruction will be acceptable needs to be answered: if
not
now, when? The argument goes that at some point in the future the
anarchist movement will begin to engage in mass militant direct
action
that will destabilize Canadian capitalism and its state. I think
that
this is an impractical argument:
“You have to build the consciousness, you have to build the
psychology,
you have to build the experiential base, and you have to build the
theoretical base… ”
A movement that has refrained from engaging in revolutionary
violence and
militant direct action won’t have done any of these things and will
necessarily have to start from scratch. That puts us behind the game,
not
in front of it. This is particularly so in the Canadian context given
the
extent to which pacifism has and continues to influence movements
for
social justice.
This isn’t to leave the Black Block off of the theoretical hook:
“…If you are going to go up against [the repressive apparatus of
the
state,] of if you’re going to do serious damage to the structure of
things, it isn’t going to happen in some sort of frontal
confrontation
with whatever deployment of force the state makes. So it is symbolic
[in
a sense.]….[The Black Block] might want to ditch the uniforms…put on
a
phony beard….And it is just this level of tactical evolution
they’ve
refused. ”
The Black Block tactic is one tactic, no more and no less. To me
there
shouldn’t really be any controversy about using it. If blocking up
and
breaking windows at a demonstration accomplishes something, people
should
do it. And if the Black Block is used by rote, if the tactic is used
in
an entirely ritualized fashion so that it becomes the
anti-capitalist
version of “family-friendly” liberal demonstrations with politicians
like
Iggy and Jack Layton as the main attraction, this needs to be
criticized.
That said, the Black Block should also not become the limit of
our
militancy. Taking the Black Block, or any one tactic as the limit of
the
meaning “diversity of tactics” is a contradiction in terms. Our
tactics
should only be dictated by what will be most effective in reaching
our
goals.
What if, for example, one of the affinity groups at the “Heart
Attack”
Demo had chosen instead to torch a Hudson’s Bay Company outlet on
the
outskirts of Vancouver, or in another city? This would have resulted
in
significantly more financial damage to the HBC. It could also move
the
debate around tactics further forward and reduce the criticism of
the
Black Block, as people who want to condemn militancy would probably
focus
on arson rather than window breaking.
In Conclusion: Militancy and Mass Movement
Sometimes it seems like critics of the Black Block are drawing a
comparison between it and insurrectionary anarchism’s “propaganda by
the
deed”. For the most part I think that this comparison is not
accurate.
While some members of the Black Block may draw inspiration from
this
history, the tactic itself is incompatible with it in a number of
ways,
the clearest being that it depends on and is designed for mass action.
It
is a tactic that is used at relatively large demonstrations, and that
is
more effective the larger the size of the demonstration and of the
Block
itself. And it is important to remember that a large number of people
who
use the tactic and/or who support the tactic are not
insurrectionary
anarchists. It is a mistake to make generalizations about the politics
of
people who use the Black Block tactic, and it is a mistake to make
a
division between the Black Block and a mass movement.
The anarchist movement needs to be a militant mass movement. The
militancy shouldn’t begin at some hypothetical point in the future,
but
needs to be, for very practical reasons, part of our current
practice.
The idea that the Black Block and militant tactics, in themselves,
ruin
the potential for a mass movement is an assertion is simply not
true.
Instead, tactics need to be seen in context. Out tactics need to be
dictated by well thought out strategies. I’m not making an argument
against militant direct action right now, however, quite the
contrary.
Our movement needs to become increasingly militant as of yesterday or
even
two weeks ago. What I am suggesting is that people who have the
courage,
the desire and the ability to take more militant actions think
carefully
about all of the possible consequences of their actions. The rule
of
thumb seems to be that militant actions shouldn’t be taking in
isolation
but need to be part of a larger campaign and movement.
The lack of discussion around strategy in the anarchist movement
creates
is one of our weaknesses. It results in divisive arguments around
militancy and the Black Block. It also results in a lack of much
needed
clarity about what actions we need to take in order to build a mass
movement.
For example, is the theoretical position of opposing all forms
of
oppression really a disadvantage when it comes to movement building?
Does
it prevent us from organizing effectively due to the fact that the
movement is going in so many directions at the same time? If so,
what
should we be focusing on? What does this mean for organizing around
issues that are deprioritized? What is to be done?
2010
Olympics